One of the first important acts of Deng Xiaoping in 1977 was to restore the entrance examination for admissions to centres of higher learning, discontinued during the Cultural Revolution, in a fair and free manner. This one single act greatly restored the confidence of the average Chinese in an ancient practice pursued since Confucius’ time and regarded as one of the major pillars of the Chinese state.

In 1979, Deng led the country to a border war with Vietnam which had joined the Soviet led Comecon and the gamble paid off as the Soviets did not intervene, which further bolstered his image within China. In 1989, he ended the two-month long student protest for greater freedom by force, reiterating CCP’s continuing grip of the nation that continues even today. Deng’s action was approved of by Henry Kissinger stating that no country would have tolerated such open defiance.

Meanwhile, Deng visited the USA, Japan and other Asian countries including Singapore. He consulted the maker of modern Singapore Lee Kaun Yew and a host of others and initiated a process of sectoral liberalization in Shenzhen unleashing unprecedented economic growth as he believed that the colour of the cat is immaterial as long as it catches mice.

Unlike Western liberal democracies that believe in incremental change, in China there is greater autonomy which allowed Deng to succeed Mao and initiate radical reforms. When communism collapsed in the rest of the world it continued well in China with support from 93 per cent of people; the latter regarding politics as an exclusive activity of the specialists and the elite. A paternalistic state is accepted not only in China but also in Japan, the Koreas, Vietnam and Singapore. National sovereignty with an overemphasis on unity does not translate into popular sovereignty.

Martin Jacques observes the Chinese “state has consistently been seen as the apogee of society, enjoying sovereignty with an over-all else”. This Chinese-ness does not leave any space for the right of self- determination for Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau.

Unity and stability are two non-negotiable bases of the state and since the CPC visibly guarantees both, it is firmly in the saddle. One of the major reasons that Mao is still respected and continues to be a national hero is because of his success in maintaining Chinese unity and enhancing China’s international prestige by defeating the USA in the Korean War (1950-53). In the latter he lost his son. It is also realized that in 1978 reforms could take off because Mao had created a highly educated labour force with reasonable healthcare.

Democracy and the multiparty system are not immediate concerns as economic take-off did not require it. It was further reinforced by the track record of Japan and the NICs of East Asia. The peaceful transition from Mao to Deng and the capacity to incorporate significant changes which has led to unprecedented continuous economic growth and poverty alleviation of 800 million people has enhanced the legitimacy of the CCP. China for all practical purposes has become a successful and developed state. Behind the economic success there are also important indicators of limited political changes at the local levels.

In the Deng period a number of reforms like introduction of competitive electoral politics in the rural areas and even in mayoral elections was initiated. Correspondingly, reforms in the civil services, initiation of structured decentralization and limited activation of representative bodies have led to a Chinese assertion of a blending of election with selection. Economic compulsions have led to increasing codification and introduction of the rule of law without which a market economy would be unable to function efficiently. This has significantly reduced the power of the political elite and led to important political reforms like limiting the terms of office holders to two terms of five years each.

In 2013, the idea of professional revolutionaries was abandoned and the membership of the party was broadened to make it a more balanced coalition. With a doctrine of extreme cautiousness and care this process of limited democratization has been both gradual and incremental.

In a significant White Paper on Democracy (2005) it is analysed as a functional tool rather than a desired ideal. Modernization and efficiency are the overriding considerations. The aim of rural elections is not a movement towards strengthening grass root participatory democracy but better governance and efficiency. Martin Jacques comments that in contrast to this purely functionalist attitude to democracy, “there has been a major expansion of civil liberties and human rights”. Except for sensitive and non-negotiable issues like Tibet, Taiwan, Hong Kong and most importantly the communist party, all other issues could be discussed freely and openly without any fear of state retribution. A great deal of effort exists to ensure strict discipline, accountability and a corruption free system. The internet and a strong middle class of 400 million have strengthened critical reasoning and led to significant advancements in scientific enquiry, artificial intelligence and space explorations.

Depoliticization is pursued with vigour. It is similar to the debate on the end of ideology in the mid-1950s in the West that asserted the end of ideology in both advanced capitalism and developed socialism because of the compulsions of managing a modern complex society dominated by science and technology. Deng’s slogan that it is good to be rich has become the accepted ideal. Deng died in 1997 as a private citizen, an exemplary act unthinkable in Mao’s time. He donated his eyes and body for medical use.

In sharp contrast to the Western democracies which are mostly ruled by lawyers, the top brass of the CCP is highly technocratic and dominated by engineers. The Chinese hard state exists in policy formulation and execution of policies like population and migration but other areas like moral policing – of drinking a can of beer in public which is taken seriously in the USA ~ is left to the choice of citizens. Since Mao’s death and the elimination of the Gang of Four, China has overwhelmingly accepted the reformist model assuring foreigners and overseas Chinese (the largest investors) of continuity with enough institutional checks and balances making investments absolutely secure.

The Deng doctrine of peaceful succession has worked till now. In 2018, Xi Jinping removed the term limit for the President and has introduced an element of uncertainty by amending the constitution. In this he follows Vladimir Putin more than Deng. He defends it as an essential step to providing guidance to the party’s grand vision for restoring the Middle Kingdom by 2049. A century of humiliation, 1842-1949 would be avenged with China emerging as the largest economy in the world by 2049. It already surpassed the USA in PPP terms in 2014 and is slated to overtake the US in actual GDP terms by 2028.

The grandeur of the Beijing Olympics in 2008, its ability to avert the 2008 financial crisis, the impressive scientific progress and with 10 per cent of its universities being in the first hundred in the world have added to the CCP’s legitimacy. It is widely believed that the decision to go ahead with the Tokyo Olympics amidst this pandemic despite opposition from a majority of Japanese is because the Japanese government thinks that the winter Olympics scheduled later in the year in China would be held. China’s rise, according to Mearsheimer, is very likely to be the most important event of the twenty-first century. At the centenary of the CCP it has many impressive achievements to its credit. However, it has to solve the question of political succession smoothly and also demonstrate that it can live peacefully with its neighbours, despite its commitment to the Westphalian state system and principle of national sovereignty.

(Concluded)